Where aristocratic periods saw individuals extol virtue for its own sake, Americans instead argue that virtue and some degree of sacrifice are practical and useful. As Tocqueville points out, “they complacently show how the enlightened love of themselves constantly brings them to aid each other and disposes them willingly to sacrifice a part of their time and their wealth to the good of the state” (502). It may not produce “virtue through the will, but it brings them near to it insensibly through habits” (502). Tocqueville regards this form of selfishness as “enlightened […] not. Each American knows how to sacrifice a part of his particular interests to save the rest” (503). Helping all citizens understand this will be key to the survival of democracy.

Tocqueville then turns to whether self-interest motivates religious belief: Do Christians only do good to merit eternal life? Are self-interested people drawn away from religion? He decides that the answer is no, specifically citing religious philosopher Blaise Pascal, who exhorted men to “wager” that God exists because the reward is immense and the negative consequences—namely a life in hell—are not worth risking (504). Americans take Pascal’s advice, and their religious leaders also address contemporary concerns, including support for political freedom.