In the Devil’s Snare: The Salem Witchcraft Crisis of 1692 by Mary Beth Norton is an examination of the infamous Salem witch trials. It analyzes the social, political, and religious factors that caused the crisis to reach unprecedented levels. Norton argues that the English colonists’ war with the Wabanaki confederacy on the Maine frontier was the catalyst that created the conditions for the crisis. Norton, Professor Emeritus of American History at Cornell University, has written extensively about colonial history and, owing to her academic background, is an authority on the subject. Originally published in 2002, In the Devil’s Snare received the Ambassador Book Award for its contribution to the understanding of life and culture in America. It was also named a Best Book of the Year by the Los Angeles Times, Boston Globe, and Newsday.

This guide refers to the 2003 paperback edition of the book.

Content Warning: Since Norton describes events as the colonial settlers experienced them in 1692, she mentions the dated and derogatory terms that they had for Indigenous peoples. These terms are replicated in this guide in direct quotations of the source material, and the guide discusses the settlers’ views and mistreatment of Indigenous peoples. The source material and this guide also feature depictions of violence and murder, including the killing of children.

Summary

In the Devil’s Snare provides a detailed account of the Salem witchcraft crisis of 1692, noting its extensive reach, numerous accusations, and high conviction and execution rates. Ultimately, 20 people were executed, three died in custody, and at least 144 were charged with witchcraft. Norton attributes the scope of the crisis to King William’s War, which was ongoing on the Maine frontier. The crisis began shortly after the Wabanakis attacked York, Maine, when young girls in Salem Village began experiencing mysterious afflictions that included fits and muscle stiffness. The local physician diagnosed witchcraft, and soon after, the girls accused three women in the community of bewitching them—among the accused was an Indigenous enslaved woman named Tituba. The male head of an accuser’s household filed legal complaints against the accused.

Magistrates John Hathorne and Jonathan Corwin, both of whom had been soldiers in Maine, conducted the examinations of the accused. They presumed guilt and sought to extract confessions rather than verify the veracity of the charges. Breaking from procedures followed in most witchcraft investigations, they conducted public examinations of the accused. During these proceedings, the accusers reacted dramatically to the presence of the accused, having physical spasms and claiming to see spectral visions of them consorting with the devil.

Accusations quickly escalated, with new ones made even against people who were respectable, wealthy, and of high social standing. The number of accusers also increased; more young women came forward, claiming to have been bewitched. Mercy Lewis, a young maidservant, took the lead among the accusers; Lewis had lost her family in the Wabanaki attacks in Maine. Prominent ministers, such as Cotton Mather, preached messages that gave credence to the accusers. The ministers and authorities extended sympathy to the accusers, and anyone who questioned them was suspected of witchcraft as well.

Essex County, where Salem Village was located, was not far from the northeastern frontier in Maine where the English were involved in warfare with the Wabanaki confederacy. The Wabanakis launched several violent attacks on English settlers, leading to tales of terror that permeated the region. They initiated a devastating surprise attack on York, Maine, in January of 1692. Colonial leaders did not take responsibility for the failed military strategies, and they instead blamed the losses on God’s anger.

In Puritan Massachusetts, most people believed in witchcraft and the supernatural. They also believed that God determined all events, even controlling the activities of the devil. During the trials in Salem, Abigail Hobbs, one of the accused, confessed to witchcraft and said that she was recruited by the devil in the woods of Maine. This caused the Puritans to draw an immediate connection between the attacks by the Wabanakis and the witches’ attacks in Essex County. Hobbs’s confession was followed by an accuser’s vision of George Burroughs (a minister in Maine who had escaped the Wabanaki attacks) being a witch; he was accused of bewitching the English troops at the frontier in order to help the Wabanakis. From this point forward, the number of accusations exploded. Anyone suspected of witchcraft in the past was newly accused, as were people with ties to the Maine frontier.

As the crisis entered a new phase, groups of the accused were examined together in front of large audiences, and accusations spread to other towns like Andover. The accusers, who supported one another’s claims, began to report hearing from ghosts who had been murdered by the suspected witches. They also claimed that the specters of the accused confessed to them. Norton notes the irony of this since the magistrates were not very successful in eliciting confessions. In a role reversal, the accusers—who were mostly young girls—were assuming public responsibilities via reports of confessions in the invisible world.

A special court was established by the governor of Boston to conduct the witch trials. Bridget Bishop was the first to be tried, convicted, and executed. Her death resulted in a temporary hiatus from the frenzy of accusations. At the time, some expressed concerns about the trials and the nature of the evidence used against the accused. However, the authorities squelched this opposition. George Burroughs was among those tried in the third session of the court in early August. He was deemed the leader of the witches, and he was quickly convicted and hanged.

In the fall, criticism grew regarding the use of spectral evidence, leading to a shift in public opinion. Authorities who had previously supported the trials tried to distance themselves from the crisis. The Massachusetts legislature passed a new law on witchcraft and established another court that tried 52 people but only convicted three, all of whom were later reprieved. By spring, the last of the incarcerated were released, ending the crisis.